Danton - Extracts from Speeches of danton

Danton Speaking at the Convention

Danton's Important Speeches
(a few extracts)

In December 1791, Danton was elected joint deputy-procureur of the Commune of Paris and on this occasion delivered a memo­rable speech of which we give below a few extracts:

... My duty, gentlemen, is to take my seat among you because the friends of liberty and the Constitution so will it, a duty the more the binding because at a moment when the country is threat­ened on all sides it is impossible to refuse a post which, like a sen­tinel's on outpost duty, may be one of peril. In embarking on the career thus opened to me I should not have addressed you now, after having disdained to say a word during all the Revolution in answer to innumerable calumnies, but should have let time and my conduct speak for me, if the functions to which I am about to devote myself had not wholly altered my position. As an indi­vidual I scorn the shafts aimed at me as I do the whistling of an idle wind. But I owe it to the people as their servant, if not to reply to every petty and contemptible accusation, at least to combat hand to hand anyone seeming to be sincere in his attacks.

Paris, like France, consists of three divisions. One hates all lib­erty, all equality, all constitutions, and deserves all the ills which would have crushed it as it would like to crush the nation. With it I hold no parley. My one wish is to fight it to the death. The second consists of the flower of the Revolution's ardent friends, coadjutors, and strongest mainstays. It has always wished me to

Nature has endowed me with an athletic form and liberty's rugged features. Happy in not being born of one of our old, priv­ileged, and consequently emasculated orders, I am a self-made man with all my natural forces intact, though never for a moment ceasing, either in private life or the profession I have chosen, to show my ability to combine cool reason with a warm heart and strength of character. If in the springtide of our country's regen­eration my love of my country has been an over boiling passion; if to avoid seeming weak I have allowed myself to seem extrava­gant [...] — it is because I am accustomed to act in accordance with the eternal laws of justice, it is because I am incapable of continuing intimacies which are no longer honourable and as­sociations with men who dare to apostatise from the faith in the people which they once proclaimed.

So much for my past life. Now, gentlemen, for the future. I have been appointed to help to maintain the Constitution and to execute the laws to which the nation has sworn. Well, I will keep my oath. I will fulfil my duty. I will to the utmost of my ability maintain the Constitution and only the Constitution, since so I shall at the same time defend equally liberty and the people. My predecessor said that in conferring office upon him the King gave a new proof of his attachment to the Constitution. With at least equal ardour the people in choosing me wills that Constitution. Therefore it has seconded the King's intentions. Are they not two eternal truths which we have uttered, he and I? All history proves that never has a people under its own laws, under a consti-

Let royalty at length show itself the loyal friend of liberty, its sovereign; then it may be sure of lasting as long as the nation it­self; then it will be seen that the citizens who are only accused of exceeding the Constitution by the very men who clearly will not carry it into effect, that these citizens, whatever arbitrary theo­ries they may have about liberty, do not seek to break the social pact; that they do not wish, for the sake of something ideally better, to overthrow an order of things based on equality, justice, and liberty. Yes, gentlemen, I must repeat it: whatever my own ideal was, when the Constitution was being revised, as to things and persons, now the oath has been taken I would cry aloud for the death of him who should raise a sacrilegious hand against it, were he my brother, my friend, or my own son.

Such are my sentiments. The general will of the French people, as shown in its solemn adhesion to the Constitution, shall al­ways be my supreme law. I have consecrated my whole life to the people, which will never again be attacked, be betrayed, with impunity, and will soon sweep all tyrants off the earth if they do

On September 2, 1792, at one o'clock in the morning, Danton, then Minister of Justice, made his famous speech in the Legislative Assembly which ends with the immortal sentence: "To conquer, gentlemen, we must dare, and dare, and dare, and so save France". He was trying to counter the spread of panic in the Assembly, in the Commune as well as in Paris due to the foreign invasion and ini­tial defeats and restore order without which the much needed disci­plined and forceful action became difficult. Shortly after this speech, he went to the Champ de Mars, a large place in the centre of Paris and there, he harangued the crowd to enlist so that many volunteers from the people would join to oppose the invasion. Three weeks later came the famous victory of Valmy where an army of volunteers won the battle over the professional armies of the enemy.

It is, gentlemen, gratifying to the Minister of a free people to have to announce to you that the country is on the way to safety. Everywhere it is alert, astir, afire for battle. You know that Verdun is not yet in the enemy's hands. You know that the garrison has sworn to sacrifice the man who first utters the word 'Surrender.' Our people are on the way, some to the frontier, others to dig en­trenchments, while the rest will defend our towns with their pikes. Paris is about to second these splendid efforts. The Commissioners of the Commune are going by solemn proclamation to invite citi­zens to arm themselves and march in the country's defence. This, gentlemen, is a moment when you may proclaim that the capital has deserved well of France. This is a moment when the National Assembly is about to turn itself into a War Committee. We de­mand your concurrence with us in directing this sublime move­ment of the people, by nominating Commissioners to second us

During the early days of the Convention which met first on September 21, 1792, there were rumours of conspiracies towards dictatorship. Danton spoke forcefully for liberty but also for fairness in dealing with accusations which might be unfounded. He once more called for the unity of France.

... It is an auspicious day for the nation and the French republic which brings us to fraternal explanations. If there are criminals, if there exists any man so ill-minded as to desire to dominate the people's representatives despotically, let him be unmasked, let his head fall. There are rumours of dictatorships and trium­virates. Such charges should not be vague and indefinite. Let the man who makes them give his name. I would do so myself were the charge to involve the death of my best friend. The members for Paris ought not to be charged collectively. I shall not attempt to answer for each of them. I am responsible for no one, shall speak for no one but myself. I am ready to recapitulate to you all my public career. For three years I did all that I felt it my duty to do in the cause of liberty. As Minister I used all the vigour in me to the utmost. To the Council I brought all the zeal and energy of a citizen glowing with love for his country. [....]

It is very true that excellent citizens have allowed themselves to carry republicanism to excess. It cannot be denied. But no one has a right to accuse a group of members of the excesses of the individuals who compose it. As for me, I do not belong to Paris. I belong by birth to a Department towards which my eyes always

By February 1793, France was at war with Austria, Prussia, England, Holland, Sardinia and Spain. The situation was again quite desperate. The French armies were dispirited and disorga­nized. Danton had just lost his wife to whom he was fondly attached and he was truly broken-hearted. But yet again, as in August, when men's hearts were failing them for fear, Danton remained undaunted and for the second time infused his own spirit into the nation. On March 8, 10 and 11, he made a succession of great speeches on the imminence of the danger and the spirit in which it should be met.

... With a general's genius Dumouriez unites the art of in­spiring and cheering the soldier. We have heard the army even in the hour of defeat calling for him with loud cries. History will judge his talents, his passions, his faults. But one thing is certain — that his interest is in the splendour of the Republic. If we sup­port him, if we send an army to aid him, he will soon make our enemies repent of their past successes. ...

... Only danger could evoke the full energy of Frenchmen. Recruiting was well enough, but what was wanted was volun­teers, the volunteers of 1792, the volunteers of Paris. Paris must rekindle the blaze she lighted then, and do it at once, without a moment's delay. Commissioners must visit every Section that very night (`ce soir'), and call out its members to enlist, to fly to the defence of Belgium, in redemption of liberty and their oaths to their country. It was not the generals but themselves who were to blame in having promised reinforcements never sent. In 1792 the enemy had begun by victories. But those victories had roused the nation. So now let it be again, and let the Commissioners be appointed that very hour Ca l'instant'). ...

The subsequent reports of the Commissioners showed how effec­tive had been the results of their mission.

On the 9th he proposed the release of all who were imprisoned for debt, to give them the chance of volunteering:

... the propertied class must not take fright at his proposal. Whatever extravagances individuals might have countenanced the nation would always respect the rights of property. But if the poor were to respect the rich the rich must respect the poor. Even on lower grounds the lender would not suffer by his proposal. Now when he could imprison a debtor he was less cautious in his loans. It was not, however, on mercenary considerations but in accordance with eternal laws and the rights of humanity that misfortune should not be punished as a crime. ...

In so speaking Danton was in advance of his age....

The next day riots broke out in Paris in connection with, if not wholly in consequence of disastrous rumours from Belgium and of alleged atrocities of the enemy in Liege. Danton's speech of the

... What has been said to you about the general situation is true, but at the present moment we are less concerned with causes of our disasters than with the remedies. When I see the house ablaze I don't attend to the rascals running off with the furni­ture: I put out the fire. What I wish to impress on you now you have heard Dumouriez's letters read, is that if you would save the Republic you have not a moment to lose. The plan of Dumouriez was worthy of his genius. I am bound to say so, and more em­phatically now than lately. He warned us three months ago that the difficulties in its way would be doubled if we were afraid to execute it in winter. We are to blame. Let us make amends. Let us march to his aid. Dumouriez only needs men. France has men in millions. Our enemies are making desperate efforts. ... Despatch your commissioners, then, at once. Sustain them energetically. Send them off this evening, this very night, with this message to the rich: 'Either the aristocracy of Europe must pay our debt or you. All the people can give is its blood. It gives it lavishly. Be you lavish with your miserable gold.' I brush aside all party passion. The only passion dear to me is the public good. In a terrible crisis, when the enemy was at our gates, I said: 'Your disputes are despi­cable. I know no enemy but one. You weary me with your per­sonal recriminations when you should be striving for the safety of the State. I abjure you all as traitors to the country. All of you are equally to blame.' And I said: 'Reputation! What do I care for my reputation? Blighted be my name so France be free.' Why haggle about the loss this or that party will sustain by commissioners being chosen from its ranks? Scorn such fears. Think only of dis­seminating your energy through France. The post of honour is his who proclaims to the people that the terrible debt under which it staggers shall be paid by the enemy or the rich. We are in cruel straits, with our discredited currency and starving workmen. We want a radical cure. On, then! let us conquer Holland, reanimate

On the 30th of March, some members in the Convention attacked Danton. He answered that he was prepared to face all the accusa­tions which he considered to be calumnies. But then he made a pas­sionate appeal that everything should be in the open and his adver­saries, whoever they are, should be as frank as he was:

.... So prepare to be as frank as I am — frank men even in your hatred, frank in your passions. All these discussions may even now, perhaps, profit the State. Our ills spring from our dis­sensions. Well, let us make a clean breast of them all. For how comes it that one half of this Assembly treats the other as con­spirators, that one half thinks the other wishes to have it mas­sacred? There was a time for passion. Unhappily that is in the course of Nature. But the hour has come for a complete under­standing, that everyone may judge himself according to his own conscience. Let it be known, then, whether you are two factions in one body, an Assembly full of reciprocal jealousy, or whether you are united to save the country. Do you long for reconcili­ation? Then with one accord concur in those strict and strong measures demanded by the people against the treasons of which it has so long been victim. Tell the people the truth. Arm them. Armies on the frontiers are not enough. We want at the centre of the Republic one main column which may facilitate war abroad by confronting the enemy at home. ....

Danton was truly larger than life. Such personalities easily at­tract accusations by lesser men who are jealous of such vital power. One of the most common attacks was about his suspected venality, a charge which could never be really substantiated. His natural large­ness of vision made men of more narrow conviction uneasy and

... I heard some uncomplimentary remarks. Already grave charges have been brought against me. I claim the right to clear myself before the people, who can easily be made to see my in­nocence and my love of liberty. I summon all who may have con­ceived reasons for distrusting me to specify their accusations, for I wish to answer them publicly. I have been met with marks of hostility on mounting the rostrum. Have I, then, lost the look of a man who is free? Am I no longer he who stood at your side in the hour of danger? Am I no longer the man whom you have often embraced as your friend, and who would die with you? Have I not been made the target of persecution? I was one of Marat's boldest champions. I call to witness the shade of the Friend of the People in my justification. You will be amazed, when I initiate you into my private life, to see that the colossal fortune attributed to me by men who are as much your enemies as mine dwindles to the modicum of property I have always pos­sessed. I defy my ill-wishers to produce against me proof of any crime. All their attempts will fail to overwhelm me. I want to stand face to face with the people. You shall judge me in its pres­ence. I will no more tear out a page of my life than you will one of yours destined to make the annals of liberty immortal. ...

Finally Danton was arrested and put on trial early April 1794 with some of his close associates. The extremists such as Robespierre who were then leading the Revolution in its period of Terror consid­ered Danton's great popularity as a danger, as they were aware that he felt that there was no necessity to continue with the terror. During the trial, at the beginning when he was allowed to speak, Danton spoke very eloquently and the impact of his words were so great on the large crowd which had come inside and outside to listen that the authorities took fright and decided to find devious ways

Let the cowards who calumniate me confront me. Only let them show themselves and I will cover them with ignominy. My life! I am weary of it. I long to be quit of it.

Men of my stamp have no price. On their foreheads are stamped in ineffaceable characters the seal of liberty, the genius of republicanism.

Ah! St. Just, thou shall answer to posterity for thy defamation of the people's best friend and boldest champion.

As I read through this list of horrors I shudder all over with indignation.

Let my accusers come forward, and I will plunge them into the nothingness out of which they ought never to have emerged. Appear, you impostors, and I will tear off the mask which con­ceals you from the people's vengeance.

Never was I influenced by cupidity or ambition. Never have my private feelings compromised the public welfare. Always for my country, body and soul, I have sacrificed without stint for it the whole of my being.

Two days this tribunal has known Danton. To-morrow he hopes to sleep on the bosom of glory. Never has he prayed for indulgence, and he will be seen halting to the scaffold with the serenity of an innocent conscience.

Speeches extracts from A.H. Beesly, Life of Danton,
Longman, Green, and Co, London,
New York and Bombay, 1906